This book has examined the way African countries utilise their natural wealth. It has illustrated that weak economic sovereignty accounts for the irony that the most endowed continent on the planet has ended being the most impoverished. It is argued in this book that weak economic sovereignty in Africa has several implications, including the situation where the continent is unable to make the most out of its abundant natural wealth. Weak economic sovereignty on the continent is manifested in the low levels of financial and monetary sovereignty among African countries, but most importantly in low productive capabilities. The conditions of low productive capabilities prevailing on the African continent have created a situation where most African countries are locked into economically debilitating dependencies, including dependence on commodity export, such that they only get a tiny proportion of the value generated from natural resources extracted from their territories. The book has also argued that the persisting weak economic sovereignty on the continent is a clear indication that while African countries attained political sovereignty six decades ago, attaining economic sovereignty has remained an incomplete liberation project that requires a new strategy to accomplish.

This book has approached the question of natural resources in Africa from a different perspective. It makes the argument that natural resources in Africa can be utilised to reclaim its economic sovereignty which is central to the economic development and industrialisation of the continent. In making this argument, the book acknowledges that African countries have political control (de jure sovereignty) over natural resources in their respective territories, but most of them have little control over what happens to these resources (de facto sovereignty) once an extractive licence is issued. This is evident in the fact that the bulk of primary commodities in Africa are shipped out of the continent in raw or semi-processed form, with most African states having no say over what happens to these natural resources once they are extracted. This is mainly because most countries have low productive capabilities to transform the abundant natural resources into final consumer and capital goods. As a consequence of low productive capabilities, most African countries have no option (no margin of discretion or autonomy) but to sell their primary commodities in raw or semi-processed form, leading to the now famous situation of 'commodity trap'.

The lack of freedom (autonomy) to choose what happens to natural resources extracted from the continent is an indication of the weak economic sovereignty. Although the primary commodity companies that operate across the continent obtain licences and pay royalties and other taxes levied for extracting natural resources, African states have no say after primary commodities are extracted partly because the bulk of primary resources extracted leave the continent and get processed into final and intermediate goods elsewhere. As long as the processes of adding value to primary commodities take place outside of the continent, African countries have no control and role to play in the process of adding value. This is the main cause of weak economic sovereignty because the most powerful process (transforming natural resources into final and intermediate goods and services) occurs outside, beyond the continent's reach. As the book illustrates, it is the capacity to transform primary resources into goods and services needed in society that strengthens a country's economic sovereignty and ultimately strengthens its political sovereignty and influence.

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